Archive for the 'On Freedom' Category

There’s a natural correlation between the Middle Orders of family, community, education, and business (which must not be conflated with the High Orders of state and government) and personal (Low Order) liberty.   We lose liberty, not when we interact naturally with family, church, and other Middle Orders (which is what Rousseau claimed, and Marx after him) but rather when the Middle Orders are destroyed or displaced by the High Order state.

Our culture has been now shaped by those who have intentionally conflated state and community, particularly with a view to supplanting Middle Orders and their rightful tasks of education, healthcare, and charity.  In doing so, they trap individuals in a dependent orientation to the state (which deTocqueville called soft-despotism), which also means that individuals are left with a damaged social structure  when they attempt to interact with the natural Middle Orders of society like their own families.

We’re seeing the fruit of this failed Rousseauian experiment today.  Today, people often do not know how to function in their primary relationships of family, employment, and social responsibility without looking to the High Order of the state to step in and cover for them.  Culturally, we have crippled interpersonal relationships.  This is perhaps a worse crisis than the fact that the Middle Orders provide the only protection we have from despotism; we have permitted the deterioration of the natural context where human people learn how to live in the kinds of community we were created for.  A boy without a father will bear out the consequences of that broken structure in his own home.  Indeed, natural Middle Orders call for relational responsibility, but it is responsibility in the context of community where there is natural accountability and support, so that the weight of child-rearing, education, and so on becomes bearable.

But when the Middle Orders of family, church, community level education, and local personal businesses, are eroded or replaced, and individuals are left only in relationship to the state, whatever responsibilities we face seem suddenly overwhelming.

Of course, at that point, Rousseauian High Order advocates are only too happy to step in with programs and state structures designed to walk with the individual through life.  And at that point, only government programs seem able to help.  What individuals enter, then, is not community, but slavery: gentle, benevolent and happy as it may be.

With that, real liberty is lost.

With that, humanity itself is defaced.  Disfigured.  Distorted.

Why would a Christian be critical of socialism?

 

Because it violates God given individual freedom.

 

I’m not sure people who offload personal responsibility for the poor to the government understand what Jesus had in mind. Jesus’ call was absolutely not for Christians to take over political power and use it to redistribute wealth according to their whim. Jesus’ call is for them to sell everything of their own, or at least put what they have been given personally to work, and follow Him. The call is to give and share what we have, in a radical way, not to devise a scheme by which we can force others to give or share what they have.  Even while we passionately appeal to another’s conscience and cry out for them to be charitable and faithful with what God has entrusted to them, we nevertheless make no claim on another’s property or liberty.  Their charity and faithfulness is between them and God alone.

 

And so the idea that support for a government program for the poor is inherently faithful only makes sense in a world where the end justifies the means. And it does not.

 

Now certainly followers of Jesus must heed and obey the scriptural and spiritual call for them to care for the poor or disadvantaged.  But that call is to be borne out by individual followers as acts of worship, it is not to be used to justify power-broking monstrosities that choose winners and losers in society.  I am not saying there is anything wrong with a society or community that looks to hold some things in common.  The early church did indeed hold things in common and took seriously the work of ensuring that people were not left in need.  But they did not accomplish this by demand.  What they shared was only and expressly voluntarily given.  Peter names that freedom when he tells Ananias that his property belonged to him, and that the wealth was at his disposal.  His violation was not a refusal to share – he was totally free in that regard.  His violation was lying and pretending to share.  That pretension is the real sin.  And that protected freedom matters.

 

Politically speaking, socialists will speak about freedom.  But what they mean is nuanced.  There are two types of freedom:  negative and positive freedom.

 

Negative freedom is natural freedom.  It is the great gift of freedom given by God in the creation of humankind and the Garden of Eden, and is best symbolized by the presence of the Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil.  The placement of that tree in the Garden of Eden is a statement that while God commanded humankind not to eat of the tree, the freedom to do otherwise was yet protected.  God’s desire was not automatons which could not help but do his will.  God’s desire was free persons who chose obedience freely out of their love.  Consequently, anything which eliminates or substitutes for that freedom, even in an effort to force people to do good, is wholly out of step with God’s perfect plan. Negative freedom is the freedom to reject, to dissent, to refuse to participate or support, to withhold.  It is the freedom we enjoy as God’s gift that allows us to do whatever we wish in the world without interference even from Him – and that gift is essential if we’re to retain the freedom to choose obedience of our own.  Anything which forces good violates the freedom which makes a moral act moral, the freedom which makes love genuinely love, and so is a use of power which renders every good act amoral.  Negative or natural freedom is the first gift of God after life itself, and to limit it is an abhorrent evil.

 

Positive freedom is born of the estimation that many people may not be able to actualize their negative or natural freedom.  The poor man, for example, cannot buy whatever car he likes because he is limited by a lack of wealth.  Positive freedom is an expression of the attempt to alter certain circumstances so that whatever might limit a person or people can be overcome.  If people are starving because of a lack of wealth, then providing wealth or affordable food is the establishment of positive freedom for those people.  If people would like to work in a nearby community on the other side of a mountain, then building a tunnel would be the establishment of positive freedom for those people.  Positive freedom is always an artificial creation design to facilitate another’s natural freedom, and so only results from actions of charity, kindness, generosity, support and compassion.  Positive freedom is often necessary for the disadvantaged, the poor, the sick, the oppressed or the victimized to be able to make use of their negative or natural freedom.  When we give a gift to a person in need, we have actualized a degree of positive freedom.  And so part of the command of scripture and the Spirit is for us to provide positive freedom for those in need.

 

Socialism is a political attempt to create positive freedom by direct use of state power.  If the creation of positive freedom is necessary for us to carry out the compassionate, kind and generous work of Jesus in the world, then why would a Christian ever oppose socialism?

 

The fundamental problem is that the socialist’s use of state power to create positive freedom for some citizens inherently requires the interruption of the natural freedom of others.  In other words, socialism justifies the destruction of negative or natural freedoms, and sets them firmly in tension with positive freedoms.  Indeed, to achieve its ends, it must always sacrifice God given natural freedom in the effort to force the establishment of positive freedom according to the whim of the state and her bureaucrats.  The redistribution of wealth by state power, for example, is merely stealing from one to give to another.  We recognize that this is not properly charity as Jesus would advocate.  In fact, when a state plays Robin Hood in this fashion it actually destroys the possibility of real charity.

 

Faithfulness to Christ is constituted by responsive acts and activity arising out of individual and personal spiritual choices made possible by the gift of natural freedom.  In response to the leading of Scripture and the Spirit, the Christian who freely chooses compassion and care, generosity and self-sacrifice, has lived in faithfulness.  The same acts arising out of compulsion or manipulation have no value as free responses to the leading of Christ, and so cease to be moral or faithful acts or activities.  Suddenly our ‘charity’ is effectively amoral.

 

This is a serious spiritual problem, so let me explain. For a government to establish positive freedoms at the expense of other people’s natural freedom is destructively immoral.  Firstly, it directly undermines the possibility that I may choose kindness and charity for myself since it takes a person’s wealth and so also their choice as to it’s purpose.  But there’s a more indirect and perhaps more insidious problem.  Socialism paves the way for a citizenry to become unaware of the progressive amorality of their activity.  When the state does charity for us, we’re led to the pretension of compassion and care in a way that is fundamentally contrary to Jesus’ command for us to be personally self-sacrificial and charitable.  The depersonalized and disconnected activity of the state, well intentioned though it may be, undermines my personal role and responsibility in charity.  It glosses over my personal spiritual obligations and anesthetizes my guilt with the fanciful illusion of politically achieved compassion.  Care devoid of any personal investment, involvement or sacrifice, is not Christian charity and nor is it faithfulness.  In practice, socialism relieves a populace of the sense of the need to give personally and so the individual sense of obligation that Christ has called for.

What that means is that socialism cuts us off from our personal responsibility for the poor.  Efficiency and political machinery be dammed, socialism cuts us off from others in need.  In 2nd Corinthians 8 we see that charitable giving is inherently relational, and it results in a mutual exchange where different kinds of ‘plenty’ or ‘fullness’ are reciprocated.  But when the state steps in by force as my proxy, then no longer must I embrace the disadvantaged myself; no longer must I empty myself for them by my free choice to follow Christ with the whole of my life.  Instead, now I can keep a distance and let the state be my proxy in caring, freeing me from personal investment in compassionate living and from relationship with the poor or sick.  The consequence is a society of individuals detached from actual need, and restrained from the growth that comes from inconvenience and sacrifice.

 

Add to that the basic understanding of giving personally and freely as part of the life of worship, and we see that socialism results in a deplorable state where everything that giving means to the Christian is thoroughly eviscerated.

 

In our current context, this is especially the case when the state does so on the basis of borrowed money for which multiple generations will be irrevocably and involuntarily accountable.

 

There is often the perception that only the left, the progressives and socialists in our society, care for the poor because only they speak of large government activity to that end.  But the political left does not have a monopoly on concern for others – regardless of their press and propaganda. Their only distinctive is that they want to use to government power and structures to accomplish it.  The debate isn’t about care and compassion; it is about the means of carrying it out.  In fact, economically, in practice progressives’ ideas play irresponsibly with creating inter-generational dependency and so may curse the poor to a class trap wherein the only hope they know is government entitlements in perpetuity.  This achieves two dark goals with one firm and deliberate purpose.

First, socialism creates a populace of dependent economic slaves.  Indeed, the fight against socialism is properly the Human Rights struggle of the 21st century.  The creation of dependency is a dehumanizing and debilitating project designed to facilitate the socialist means of salvation.  That, of course, is the second goal.  Socialism creates the slave master: the enlarging state.  As the state inserts itself into every area of life, the result is a self-justifying loop where an interventionist government uses its power to establish more and more ‘reasons’ for intervention.  All this after one ultimate goal:  a government structure with the political power required to advance a variety of other progressive causes that can only move forward at the expense of broad individual freedoms.  This is the only way for them to create the kind of society they want.  Only a powerful socialist state can overpower the objections of individual dissenters or objectors.  It’s for this reason that all socialist states move progressively in the direction of practical tyranny.  One of the first steps, for example, is total and absolute control of education and the economy so that the foundations of their social engineering can take place unhindered.  In effect, socialists are ghouls – they facilitate and then feed off the needs of some, in order to justify their own power over everyone.

 

Making the matter more bitter, the whole project is simply unsustainable.  David Susuki has complained that economics is insanity, and that free market practices are unsustainable, but the truth of his complaint is simply that the reasoned logic of freedom and the free market just won’t let people like him do what they want to do.  Indeed, they actually go so far as to define private property itself as unsustainable, and so offer the needless solution that a broad takeover by the government is the only thing that will relieve whatever issues we face.  But ironically, it’s really the forcible taking of wealth from some for the sake of others or for other causes which is ultimately damaging to the healthy economic growth that can offer the answer to poverty, suffering and need.  And please understand, a prosperous economy, economic growth and the creation of wealth as the solution to poverty and need is not a corrupted materialistic concept.  Wealth is just another way to talk about people feeding their families, educating their children, caring for the sick or disadvantaged, and actualizing the positive freedoms of their choice.  When people supportive of free market principles speak about the economy, they are speaking about the best practical care possible for the poor and needy in our society.

 

My contention is that concern for the poor and the establishment of positive freedoms are morally legitimate ends, but Christian morality also calls for the protection of natural freedoms.  In other words, acts of charity, kindness and compassion must be wholly voluntary, lest they lose their Christian character and moral legitimacy.  A healthy economy and the creation of wealth in a free market is the only practical way to equip individual citizens with the kind of wealth needed to meet the needs of the disadvantaged.  Only that strategy can facilitate both natural and positive freedom.

 

The freedom to dissent from the government in practice, without hindering the individual natural freedom of others, is the basis of a civilized society.   Government may be an effective tool for a few social justice projects – but if the project violates any of the above ethical boundaries, then the ethical answer is for the government to encourage and perhaps even promote or facilitate independent activities (which could include groups of people voluntarily assembling their efforts into a collective act.). For the government to take those projects on itself is generally an immoral misuse of its power.

 

In summary, socialist or progressivist economic governance, even when well intentioned, fails some ethical tests of Christianity for a few clear reasons:

1.  While hoping for the creation of positive freedom, socialism sacrifices and so fails to protect essential and non-negotiable negative or natural freedom.

2.  Correspondingly it legitimizes theft.

3.  It dis-empowers citizens by establishing an invalid and inappropriate level of state power over personal wealth and private property, and their freedom to use it as they see fit, by making the state the only means of help or social advance.

4.  It enslaves people by trapping them in a cycle of dependency on government.

5.  It separates personal moral responsibility and action (since the government will ‘take care of it’)

6.  The practical unsustainability of current socialist style government practices, (evidenced by our European friends who’ve thrown their economy off a cliff – immediately meaning government induced mass unemployment and poverty), inevitably means a cycle of increases in the need for other people’s money and property, and so increases in the power of the state, and so ultimately the threat of violence against those who dissent.

The state has one primary purpose.  It’s role is to prevent the control of some by others, and so to guard individual freedoms. Discerning the appropriate government role for most issues of violence, theft, international aggression and trade can be reconciled back to that foundational purpose.

That simple expression of the state’s primary purpose is not undermined if we should recognize honestly that some issues are obviously more complex.

Copyright law for example.

Taken too quickly, the libertarian commitment to laissez-faire capitalism might seem to resolve our current debates easily. Perhaps we’d expect to hear that since artists make something, they should be allowed total control of its use in perpetuity.  Or we’d expect a permissive or supportive nod to entertainment corporations and their certain right to private property, and so also whatever new versions of copyright law they would like to buy from our political and judicial systems.

But the matter is not that simple.

The purpose of copyright law is to establish a fair balance of individual freedoms.  We have the freedom to create.  We have the freedom to hold and use private property.  And we also have the freedom to use that which is not owned or ownable.  We only reach the boundary of our freedoms when we presume to control how another person may freely create, possess or use, and it is precisely at that point that the reality and complexity of our present situation concerning copyright becomes apparent.

Technological advancements have made possible not only the creation of new kinds of cultural artifacts, artistic expressions, and media, but also the powerful ability for some to control how these artifacts are used by others over time.  In tandem with the progressive redefinition of copyright law over the past two decades, we have permitted a severe imbalance of and infringement upon individual freedoms that will require a strong and courageous government hand to address.

Copyright law establishes a balance between the individual freedom of the creator of a cultural artifact and the expected later free use in the context of culture.  It provides protection for a creator while others purchase the first copies of their creation, but reasonable time limits recognize the reality that another set of individual freedoms exist which demand protection.  Those other individual freedoms are related to the notion of the ‘commons’.

The ‘commons’ refers to those things which cannot be owned by any one individual. Resources such as air, oceans, rivers, and perhaps even roads or parks.  When considering the great cultural artifacts and expressions of human kind, we refer to the creative commons. The notion of the creative commons is based on the recognition that all creative acts happen in the context of culture, and so ultimately find their expression, longevity, and honour in that milieu.  A person cannot claim that their creative acts, no matter how original they may be, have been created or exist in some kind of void apart from other individuals any more than a man who pees in a lake will be able to stand on the shore and identify the half litre of liquid that belongs to him.  Even more ridiculous would be someone pretending he never drank from the lake in the first place then preventing others from drinking from the lake because he thinks his contribution means they are potentially drinking his water.

Over time, the artifacts and ideas that individuals create become part of the open and free conversations between other free individuals in the public square.  That common space provides not only a market for new ideas, artifacts, and information, but is also the common resource which all artists and thinkers require and use:  it is the sole basis for allusion, flattery and critique.  For other individuals to be free to think and critique and create they must have free access to the cultural artifacts and ideas that populate the creative common public square.  The notion of a creative commons is absolutely necessary in order to establish a balance between – and so to protect – the practical individual freedoms of the artists, thinkers and creators of yesterday, today and tomorrow.  The firm time limits of copyright are the key means to that balance.

There is a tendency to interpret the ‘commons’ in collectivist terms, as an expression of that which is held or owned by all.  This is a grievous error.  It is that collectivist thinking which has diminished the potency of the notion of the commons.  Collectivist thinking actually attributes ownership of the commons to some nebulous sense of the ‘masses’, some glorified ridiculous romantic collective ‘we’.  This is one of the tragedies of the late 20th century.  Not only does the collectivist approach inevitably dissolve the practical meaning of real ownership, but it also  thoroughly undermines our sense of individual responsibility for that which is supposedly owned.  The idea that some great voice of the glorious collective ‘we’ will shout out on our behalf tempts us, as individuals, to stay silent when we should cry out.  While it appears to relieve individuals of the necessity of rising up and vociferously asserting their freedom, in practice, the glorious ‘we’ has no substance.  Collectives are nothing more than individuals together; without individuals who act because of their own sense of responsibility, they are merely ideas devoid of substance – and so also power.  It is indeed that lack of individual responsibility which has left us in this situation.

The question before us is not a debate between whether a cultural artifact is privately owned by an individual and whether some ‘we’ can take ownership at some future point in time.  Rather we face the fact that once an individual’s created artifact or idea is poured out into the public square, it is only a matter of time before it ceases to be practically ownable by anyone at all. Ideas and information, over time, disperse into the sea of ideas that surround us.  This means that, over time, the individual freedom for others to create and to use that which cannot properly be owned must also be protected.

Again, the claim is not that other individuals may suddenly appropriate another person’s property.  The claim is that the ongoing ownership of something poured into the midst of public conversation must have reasonable limits.  The creator, of course, has the option of withholding their artifact or idea and keeping it forever privately to themselves.  Artists are always free to create without any obligation to share or display their work.  But few ever do.  As each creator acknowledges the heroes who have inspired their own joy and new thoughts, so also they desire to play that role for others.  If not, they at least expect the world to give them money or even fame in exchange for their creativity.  Either way, they make their work public because they want something.  There is a cost for that want to be met.  The cost is that successful ideas and artifacts ultimately transcend the notion of ownership altogether.

How long before the assimilation of an individuals idea, information, or artifact into culture takes place?  The time limit needs to be realistic: not too soon, neither too long.  The rule used to be 7 years, and then was renewable up to 28.  More than a quarter century seems more than fair.  Given that, the current practice of extending copyright beyond a century is an absurd excess.  What individual could live that long and still require profit?  Only corporations seek that kind of long term profit and financial gain without providing any actual service; why should anyone make money off of any idea or song created before they were born?  What service is provided for that profit?  Keeping a digital file?  Citizens can do that themselves for free!  Promoting and advertising that product?  What company invests money in advertising and promoting hundred year old ideas?  No, these practices are, of course, based on the expectation is that the creation is an asset that should make money for whoever ‘owns’ it for as long as possible.  To permit that practice to continue for more than a century is a flagrant violation of the individual rights of others.

The practical reality in our culture is that after 3-5 years a popular idea or artifact is old.  New technology and art have overtaken the creative ideas of 3 years ago.  In a culture in which this pace of change and novelty is increasing along with the volume of creative works and ideas, the idea that copyright should be extended even longer is thoroughly crazed.  To the contrary, 5 year copyrights renewable 4 or 5 times make more sense.  They allow an individual 2 full decades to profit from their creative labours.  A firm new principle: corporations are not entitled to expect further profits based not on new creativity which they have facilitated and promoted, but rather on the idle practice of buying new law and so moving the posts of copyright law further ahead into time.  This vile corruption must be ended immediately.

Further, the technologies currently in use which are designed to limit the legitimate use of non-ownable artifacts and ideas beyond that 20 year mark violate the individual rights of all those who desire access to the creative common public square.  Currently, there is a preferred idea that digital information should be marketed as a kind of term lease, so that it would eventually break down or terminate after a set date.  This is contrary to the fair expectations of free individuals.  Digital Rights Management (DRM) software should protect the copyright holder for the expected duration of the copyright, 20 years for example, and then it itself should become inactive leaving the ideas, information and artifact to be free  for appropriate use.  The dissemination of  ideas and copies of created artifacts into culture means that they cease to be ownable over time – our copyright law and copyright technologies must reflect that truth.  As well, equally priced product free of any protections must be developed and made available for immediate fair use prior to the end of the copyright term.

In line with this necessity, the idea of limiting technologies with firmware DRM is also an absolute and gross violation of individual freedoms.  Ultimately the medium on which ideas and media are sold must permit copying, unless we are going to throw in the towel and admit that copyright is limitless insofar as time goes.  And what about other legitimate fair uses?  How can these be pursued if the hardware is unavailable or restricted?  Not to mention that current DRM practices limit more than simple copyright issues.  We are legally entitled by law to purchase, for example, DVD’s from other regions.  We are legally entitled to purchase machines that will play DVD’s from other regions.  But the current and proposed DRM firmware will stop that functionality.  Who are they to infringe on the individual legal rights of others?  All attempts at the technological level to limit legitimate free and fair use must be prevented and stopped.

By other fair uses above, I refer to the new Canadian law which is making space for news media and education to be free to use creative works.  DRM technologies mean that what the law gives with the right hand, corporations are illegitimately taking with their left.  The fact the courts are aware of these shady attempts at control, and posture in making policies that are in truth impotent, gives cause to question the degree to which current copyright laws are not expressions of principled governance and legal thoughtfulness, but are instead merely a sign that Canadian law can be bought at whim.

Let’s be clear that law which is purchased is no law, and accordingly citizens will soon consider themselves absolved from attending to her statutes.  Individual freedoms are not given by the state or courts – they pre-exist them.  The role of the state and her court is to protect that which already is, and if the law fails to do that, then citizens will cease to obey that law.  It is true that piracy is a symptom of a lack of respect for the law.  But that risks misstating the real problem.  Piracy today is perhaps more a measure of the degree to which individual citizens consider the law not worthy of being obeyed.  And again, as long as the law fails to protect individual freedoms, as long as it permits ridiculous redefinitions of what it means to buy a product, and as long as it appears to be the subject to the influence of money, corporate power, and other out-of-line influence, individual citizens’ respect for the law will continue to diminish.

It is worth commenting that the rights of individual educators and journalists are not the only ones that require protection.  The new Canadian law fails to take into account the pre-existent role of the pulpit in segments of our culture.  Historically, the pulpit has been at the centre of critiquing culture.  The civil rights movement, for example, started in the pulpit.  Today, the pulpit is no less significant as a muti-media means of communication and critique.  As such, it must be included under fair use provisions.

The Christian Libertarian is no advocate of anarchy or theft.  But, as a plea for the protection of the individual freedoms God has given to every citizen of this world, and due to the fact that we live in a creative common conversation where individual ideas are sown and blossom and feed beyond the range of our own lifetimes, we are right to expect the government adhere to its primary function and so craft law accordingly.

With thanks to Andy, whose mind always inspires and challenges me.



I ended Tuesday March 23rd, 2010, being guided by police tactical officers because I was in danger.

I was told I was in danger because the University of Ottawa could not provide a safe location for people to hear controversial conservative American satirist Ann Coulter.  The occasion was an International Free Press Society’s sponsored event which was also due to feature Ezra Levant and Bjorn Larsen.  On hearing that Ann Coulter was to be a part of the event, University Vice-President Academic and Provost, Francois Houle pretentiously wrote Coulter what is apparently an unprecedented letter mentioning (threatening?) the possibility of legal action if Coulter’s satire should get out of bounds.  This bigoted anti-conservative action (the letter specifically identifies that ‘University of Ottawa Campus Conservatives‘ were responsible for inviting her) along with the student council’s wild attempt at censorship, factored in restricting our freedom to safely hear and evaluate her opinions for ourselves.  It seems to me a reasonable conclusion that the tacit implication that conservatives are more likely to be in violation of Canadian law than are other groups results in the characterization of conservatives as potential criminals.  That kind of defamation could be understood to fit causatively into the larger picture of a mob of students, so emotionally riled by bigoted events in the university community through the preceding days, that they presented a risk of violence.  The blatant hypocrisy of those who would stand behind a letter ostensibly calling for civility and respect, while nurturing an environment so dangerous that it was considered unsafe for a visiting speaker and attendees, thoroughly undermines the university community’s credibility.  If we hadn’t been in danger, and it wasn’t so pathetic, the irony of those pointing an accusing finger demanding restraint while simultaneously throwing their own fits, shout downs, and threats would have been almost humorous.   But we were in enough danger that we were told by security not to leave by the front doors.

There is simply no way to overstate what appears to be a ridiculous level of irresponsibility among the leadership at the University of Ottawa.  But what can be done?  What kind of accountability is there for elitists like these?  Even if anti-conservative diatribe and behaviour in advance of the event contributed to a dangerous situation for guests at the University of Ottawa, who protects us?  It is absolutely unacceptable for taxpayer supported institutions not only to advocate for one kind of political or social perspective over another, but to do so to such an extent that people’s safety is in question.  I wonder if public funding for the University of Ottawa could be cut?  Is there ground for legal action?

I mean, how safe will conservative or libertarian students feel over the next few days at the University of Ottawa?  Their own institution has apparently openly taken a position against them because of their beliefs and values.  Will libertarian students attend classes where discussions around Coulter’s canceled visit will be inevitable, or will they stay home because that’s safer?  Will conservative students feel safe to express their views freely, or will they keep their mouths shut because the University of Ottawa has ceased to be a safe place for conservatives or free speech advocates?  Is that perhaps the real agenda of institutions like the University of Ottawa?  Is the idea that conservatives and libertarians should be intimidated and threatened and subjected to potential violence in order to keep them quiet or else drive them off campus?

If the university is genuinely motivated by a passion for civility, and is sincerely desirous of maintaining an environment where people enjoy an atmosphere of respect, then aggressive action to care for conservative and libertarian students needs to be taken immediately.  At the least, after a formal apology from the university’s administration and full financial restitution which would enable another event with Ann, Ezra & Bjorn to take place safely in Ottawa, the student council should be reprimanded and forced to offer public apologies to students who are at risk on campus because of the council’s anti-conservative politicized activities.

I understand Ann Coulter is looking into whether the university has violated her rights or subjected her to a hate crime by targeting her as a conservative American Christian, and I look forward to seeing what legal opinions she receives in the days to come.  However, more than for Ann, I felt significantly dismayed at the consequent treatment of Ezra Levant and Bjorn Larsen.  These gentlemen and others who advocate for freedom of speech and the rights of individuals to function responsibly without interference by the state are deserving of our respect, admiration and support.  For their role to be so trivialized and for such heroes and friends of our God given liberty to be subjected to this kind of utter disrespect disgraces all of us.

So let me thank the International Free Press Society for their work, and let me express again my admiration and appreciation for Ezra Levant and his willingness to step into the legal fight for the freedoms we should all enjoy.  Please try again.

And to Ann Coulter:  I should have liked to hear you speak.  I regret that this was your experience in Ottawa.  And I certainly hope to see you return.